Our Task

1. The historical task of the proletariat is to lead the labouring masses of the world

in a revolutionary struggle to establish a world socialist republic and begin the

transition to communism. Such a revolution is not possible absent the

self-conscious organisation of the proletariat into a class party. In order for the

proletariat to elevate itself from the position of an object-class to that of a

class-for-itself, it must consciously grasp the weapon of theory and adopt a

scientific, socialist worldview. This fusion of theory and practice produces the

socialist workers movement.

2. In order for the socialist workers movement to become hegemonic within the

proletariat, and to make the potential unity of theory and practise into a reality, it

must forge for itself a mass workers party with a communist political outlook and

program. This party must put forward a revolutionary minimum program. This

minimum program must include the establishment of a democratic republic, and

the expropriation of the commanding heights of the economy. In short, it is a

program for the establishment of the working class as the ruling class.

3. World revolution is made a necessity by the development of a capitalist mode of

production. As such, the proletariat must organise itself internationally, through

the formation of international organs of class struggle, and a world communist

party. However, it is still necessary for national communist parties to establish

themselves, so as to confront their own national-states.

4. The socialist workers movement in Australia today consists of several hundred

militants scattered across a variety of separate circles, sects, and unions. Some of

these socialists have an unprincipled alliance with the bourgeois and

petit-bourgeois via their membership or support for the Labor or Greens parties,

while others have an economistic orientation to the trade union movement. Others

suffer from a Bakuninist, sectarian, or spontaneist orientation - a left

opportunism. At this stage, the socialist workers movement does not have a unified

party that it can call its own - that can unify all socialists, all communists, all

revolutionary proletarians, into a single organisation with a revolutionary program.

5. The Revolutionary Communist Organisation (RCO) has formed itself into a

conscious, organised faction of the socialist workers movement with the goal of

forging such a party. As such, while we actively seek to organise socialists under

the perspective of our faction - that of a united mass socialist workers party with a

revolutionary program - we do not see the socialist movement as being constituted

of hostile competitors to our own group. Instead, we understand our movement as

being potentially powerful but currently disunited and beset by opportunism.

6. The RCO has constituted itself a revolutionary pre-party fighting formation. We

understand this to mean that we are an organised, conscious faction of the socialist

movement that is fighting for unity. We are organised on the basis of a common

socialist program, not on the basis of a common theoretical doctrine. We are

organised into a fighting formation because it is necessary for socialists with a

partyist orientation to consciously intervene into the socialist movement and the

workers movements more broadly in order to win hegemony for partyist socialism.

The Preconditions for the Formation of a Communist Party

7. The building of revolutionary mass parties combines three concrete processes: the

process of defending and constantly enriching the revolutionary program; of

building, educating, and hardening a revolutionary Marxist cadre; and of

winning mass influence for this cadre. These three processes are dialectically

entwined.

8. Communist parties do not emerge out of the aether. They are the result of concrete

developments in the class struggle. The preconditions for the emergence of a

mass socialist workers party are:

a. The emergence of a broad workers movement, as well as other movements

of the oppressed that include proletarian layers.

b. The development within these movements of an advanced layer of

class-conscious workers who are hardened in the class struggle.

c. The development of scientific socialist (that is, Marxist) theory, and the

promotion and development of these ideas by socialist workers.

d. The proliferation of a vanguard of socialist workers and youth who will

become the cadres of a mass socialist workers party.

e. The unification of these cadres, both organised and unorganised, into a

socialist workers party with a revolutionary program.

9. We reject a schematic approach which would see these preconditions emerging one

after the other. In fact, each development will advance the others, and in turn be

spurred forward by events. It is, however, true that a mass party cannot be won until

all these conditions are met.

10. In Australia, all of these conditions are underdeveloped in the extreme. The

trade union movement is declining and overwhelmingly conservative in both

politics and tactics. Social movements are small, and limited to a tiny layer of

progressive activists gathered around the university system. Marxist theory is

marginal and underdeveloped, divided between sectarian dogmatists or academic

activity that is wholly disconnected from the class struggle.

11. In the current period, the RCO functions as a propaganda group. We are a small

organisation with a small audience: the existing socialist movement, and

radicalising workers and youth. Our vital task - the formation of a fighting

communist party based on the unity of Marxists - requires that this orientation be

deepened, our organisation be professionalised, and our theoretical and

propagandistic outlook sharpened.

12. The centre of all our political work, at all levels of the organisation, must be the

campaign to forge a mass socialist workers party in Australia through the

unification of Marxist forces and the fusion of these forces with the advanced layers

of workers.

Key Tasks in Organisation Building

13. The precondition of all political work is the strengthening of our organisation and

building an effective propaganda group, the cadreisation of our membership,

and the increasing theoretical sophistication of our outlook. In short, our central

task is organisation building.

14. The RCO has a small membership of around seventy, of which the majority are

underdeveloped and inexperienced. The key task going forward will be to turn the

raw materials at our disposal into the form of organisation we require. This means

turning students and workers, activists and intellectuals, into revolutionary cadres.

15. Professionalisation of the RCO requires that each member see themselves firstly as

a revolutionary by trade - a committed member of the socialist movement with a

strong political outlook and experience in a variety of areas of work. This does not

mean that every member must be a full-time party worker - but it does mean that

every member must be a militant in the class struggle, a writer for our publications,

a socialist thinker and agitator.

16. In order to advance the development of our organisation, finances and

membership roles must be effectively and responsibly managed by dedicated

committees that report regularly to the Central Committee. In addition, broad

efforts must be made to fundraise and increase the dues base of the organisation,

in order to fund our work.

17. In regards to recruitment, the RCO takes a quality over quantity approach. In order

to develop quality cadres in sufficient numbers that the organisation can move

from dozens to hundreds, we must establish a rationalised system of recruitment

and education which aims to draw in convinced socialists and the freshly

radicalised.

18. The work of agitation and propaganda should be merged with the work of

organising publications and combined with our mass work, so as to most effectively

marshal our limited resources. Posters, social media agitation, video and artistic

propaganda, all should be developed with the immediate priorities of the

organisation in mind.

19. In regards to the development of our underground work, the reformation and

development of the Stewards Committee, as well as the formation of city-based

Stewards Committees is increasingly necessary. These bodies should be tasked

with the development of our underground work, the security of the organisation,

and the defence of its offices and members.

The Central Committee

20. The RCO has been up until this point characterised by a relatively weak and loose

central leadership. This is largely due to time constraints of many militants and a

lack of organising experience, and has created a vacuum in which organisational

activities are disjointed, national working groups largely do not function, and

political work is left up to cells that are largely directionless and without support.

This trend must be reversed. The incoming Central Committee must be given a

strong and politically clear mandate by the motions of congress, and must be

able to work consistently and tirelessly in building the organisation. It must

strengthen the principles of collective leadership, and be able to support the local

bodies of the organisation in their vital work.

21. In order to tighten our all-organisation political work, we must move away from the

current loose, disorganised working group system and towards smaller, more

effective and more flexible committees appointed by the Central Committee.

These committees will oversee their areas of work, report back to the Central

Committee, and convene working groups to support their activity where necessary.

The Central Committee should form these committees on the basis of necessary

work, and dissolve them when they are not necessary.

The Role of Local Sections

22. Cells, as the primary organisational body of RCO comrades in their respective

geographic areas/workplaces/places of education, play a critical role in the

day-to-day operations and goals of the RCO. Each cell, in line with RCO strategy,

must emphasise education, agitation, and propaganda in its daily function and

routine - maintaining a consistent level of activity and membership engagement

through routine actions and events intended to build up discipline and

commitment at all levels of the RCO.

23. In the current stage, the individual cell should seek to function as a propaganda

group. This means that the primary task of the cell is to conduct propaganda,

distribute socialist literature, engage in agitation, organise reading circles and

public discussion groups, and participate in political actions.

24. Cells have largely been composed on a geographical basis. This has led to the

development of cells being separated from active political intervention into the

socialist and workers movement. This can be rectified by moving towards cells

based on industry and political tasks. For example, cities could form cells of

healthcare and social care workers, teachers, students at universities, attached to

interventions into the women’s or ecological movements, or create general

propaganda groupings.

25. As cells proliferate, the role of All-City Sections grows in importance. These bodies

should meet regularly in order to coordinate work between cells, establish schools

and public facing interventions, and to set city-wide priorities. In addition, All-City

Sections should seek to establish their own bank accounts and means of

fundraising, in addition to sharing dues money with the Central Committee.

Our Publications

26. There cannot be a socialist movement without a socialist press. Newspapers,

magazines, theoretical publications, bulletins and newsletters - the proliferation of

a socialist press that can carry out a general ideological and political struggle is a

task of immediate and vital importance. The press does not simply operate as an

ideological tool, but it also operates as an organisational tool - writing for it,

publishing it, editing it, and distributing it, all of these tasks build organisational

capacity across the movement.

27. Importantly, the socialist press should be the site of political debate and freedom of

criticism. The limited landscape of socialist literature in Australia today is

dominated by sectarian publications that do not allow freedom of reply and

publication, nor do they seek to be sites of debate. We oppose this trend, and seek to

create an open and critical socialist press.

28. At the current stage, our primary task in regards to the publication of socialist

literature, is in publishing Direct Action, our monthly newsletter. This publication

is a vital part of our political work, framing our ideas and focussing political

debates, as well as being a propaganda tool in our campaign for socialist unity.

However, it has been sustained by only a handful of comrades.

29. The Militant, the RCO organisational bulletin, is a secondary publication used to

facilitate organisational debates, as well as facilitating the RCO congress and other

activities. While it plays a secondary role in our political work, it is nonetheless

important to develop it in the coming period.

30. In the coming period, the vital task is to expand our publications by giving them

dedicated editorial committees, building up a permanent writing staff, establishing

a subscription system, and professionalising our work. The skills developed in

forging our core publications will be useful in the coming years for the development

of theoretical journals, workers bulletins, and countless other projects within the

socialist movement.

31. In addition to our publications, Partisan Press currently publishes a wide range of

pamphlets. This work should be tightened, the current line of pamphlets reviewed,

and the development of a broader printing apparatus carefully considered. The

printing and distribution of cheap or free socialist literature is a primary task of the

socialist movement.

Towards a Mass Orientation

32. Mass work refers to the work RCO members do externally to the organisation,

amidst the broader socialist and workers movement. In conducting mass work, our

orientation is towards a systematic organisation of the working class and the

oppressed, and the proliferation of socialist consciousness and hegemony amongst

the masses.

33. Importantly, mass work is also the site of systematic joint work with other forces in

the socialist movement. We must campaign constantly for the unity of Marxists and

the development of a partyist faction in the socialist workers movement from the

outset.

Agitation, Organisation, Mobilisation, and Campaigning

34. Mass work consists of four fundamental modes of activity. All of these modes of

activity are necessary, but they are distinct and require distinct tactics.

a. Agitation: The work of agitation consists in spreading agitational material,

increasing the level of class consciousness through propaganda, and

attempting to win existing organised layers to specific slogans. This is

arguably the most explosive form of mass work, as it places revolutionary

slogans at the front of our activity.

b. Organisation: The work of organisation seeks to bring layers of workers into

activity who have not previously been active. This is done through building

organisations and winning membership for those organisations. Organising

is characterised by a long term perspective - organising drives are intended

to be long term and permanent.

c. Mobilisation: Mobilising class forces is a matter of bringing as many

workers into the streets as possible, to organise demonstrations,

occupations, and other mass actions. Mobilisation is a short term exercise in

demonstrating class power and directly challenging the power of the state.

d. Campaigning: Campaign work is broadly concerned with winning specific

demands through systematic, daily demonstration, collection of petitions,

propaganda, limited strikes or occupations, and other tactics. Campaigns

are undertaken by organisations in order to win their goals.

Levels of Organisation

35. In the course of our mass work, we can identify several levels of organisation in

which our militants must be engaged.

36. The first level of organisation can be referred to as All-Class Mass Organisations.

These are organisations that attempt to draw the widest possible layers of workers

into struggle, uniting them on a limited basis and pursuing broad measures. Given

our relative size, our influence in these organisations is necessarily limited.

However, we should not avoid pursuing work within them. In these organisations,

the task of the RCO is to support the development of rank-and-file formations,

criticise the bureaucracy or opportunist leadership, agitate for socialist ideas

openly, and to encourage the organisation of the current unorganised into

class-struggle formations.

37. The second level of organisation is Transitional Mass Organisations. These are

more limited formations that emerge from the need to either intervene into larger

class struggle formations on a specific basis, or to capture radicalising layers of

workers and youth in relatively broad militant organisations. Inside these

organisations, the RCO must seek to win over advanced layers of the workers and

youth, win hegemony for socialism and oppose opportunism, and strengthen the

militant wing of the All-Class Mass Organisations.

38. The third level of organisation is the Socialist Mass Organisations. These are

explicitly socialist groupings that seek to unify the existing socialist movement with

newly radicalising social layers, and engage in primarily educational,

propagandistic, and agitational activity within specific layers of the class. In these

organisations, the RCO fights to forge strong fighting organisations with

independent memberships, and unify the socialist movement under the hegemony

of the partyist perspective.

Forward to Socialist Unity

39. The heart of our strategy is a campaign for a new Communist Party. This

campaign must be waged constantly, in all areas of our work, using all the avenues

of propaganda and agitation that we can develop. This campaign is directly

primarily at the socialist movement, and more broadly at the advanced and

organised workers movement and radicalising youth.

40. The centre of this campaign will hinge on open debate and free discussion between

socialists. The role of the socialist press in this debate will be vital. We should seek

to open up as many avenues of debate as possible, and lobby relentlessly for the

right of reply and free debate. In addition, we should encourage public debate as

much as possible, including by holding joint debates and discussions with other

socialists.

41. As part of our orientation towards winning the unity of socialists, the RCO should

seek to establish cells within the trade unions, the Labor Party, and the Greens.

The primary tasks of these cells will be fiercely challenging Laborism and

petit-bourgeois progressivism, and consolidating Marxist forces in preparation for

a future Communist Party. In some cases, these factions will need to operate

underground, which will pose challenges to the organisation of our illegal work.

These groups should begin with the publication of Marxist bulletins aimed at

members of these organisations.

42. In the case of the Victorian Socialists, the RCO should seek to join the project as an

organisation in its entirety – as opposed to the cell- building to be done inside the

Greens and the ALP. Here, we demonstrate in action the possibility of Marxist unity,

whilst fighting critically for a revised program and structural changes to VS as an

organisation.

43. This revised program must necessarily be one of a revolutionary minimum –

rejecting the transitionalist sub-Menshevism of the current VS program. The RCO

must conduct the struggle for this program within the organisation openly and with

produce, making clear our intentions. The RCO further must struggle to expand the

scope of vs nationally, and consistently campaign for a cemented democratic

structure and culture within the organisation.

44. As part of this campaign, the RCO should seek to form All-Socialist Coordinating

Committees in every city and large town. These bodies would seek to engage the

existing socialist left in dialogue, engage in educational and agitational activity, and

organise joint events such as May Day parades and International Working Women's

Day celebrations. These bodies will allow for dialogue and debate between socialists

while promoting consistent joint work.

45. The central concrete demand of our campaign will be for a Refoundation Congress

of the Communist Party in Australia. In the absence of a mass party of

communism, it is incumbent upon all communists to fight for one to be established.

As the Communist Party of Australia dissolved itself following its eurocommunist

turn in 1991, and the “inheritor organisations” are sclerotic sects with no mass

base, we must agitate directly for the formation of a new Communist Party on the

basis of a fusion of existing Marxist forces and radical workers and youth. This can

only be done through a refoundation congress. We must begin agitation for one

now. Such a congress would adopt a program, elect a central committee, and

establish organisational rules.

46. We should not let the ultimate aim of a unified mass communist party stand in the

way of immediate possibilities for fusion. In the coming years, it will be necessary

to encourage sympathetic partyist groupings to fuse themselves with us, so that the

partyist faction of the socialist movement can develop and combine its forces. Such

a task should be achieved through systematic outreach work and an orientation

towards a Unity Conference of partyist forces in the coming years.

A Mass Socialist Culture

47. To reforge the socialist movement, there is a need to proliferate a socialist political

and cultural life. Part of this process must be the development of a public facing

socialist intellectual culture, including public education and debate. The RCO can

play an important role in this, and should seek to support Socialist Study Societies

in addition to the Labour History movement and other trade union initiatives.

48. Ultimately the goal of the RCO should be the development of a systematic Workers

Educational League, aimed at spreading socialist ideas and culture among as

many workers as possible.

Democratic Struggles

49. The Australian socialist movement has largely ceded questions of “high politics” to

the academics and bourgeois civil society. This is a pattern that must be undone.

The working class, and its most conscious layers - the communists - must take a

great interest in all democratic and political matters, and fight consistently for

democracy, and a new republic.

50. The most immediate task of the RCO in the democratic struggle is to support the

formation of Anti-Repression Committees. These bodies would struggle against

state repression, organise legal defence, and campaign for freedom of speech,

press, and assembly for the socialist and workers movement.

51. In the medium-term, the RCO should look to forge broad socialist groupings to

agitate directly around the slogans of a democratic republic. This may take the form

of a Workers and Youth for a Democratic Republic campaign, as well as reforging

the student democracy movement.

The Role of Youth

52. There is no task more vital to the future of the socialist movement than winning

young workers to socialist ideas, and transforming them into the militants needed

for the revolutionary struggles of the coming decades. To this task, the RCO must

set itself wholeheartedly, and understand it as the key to our growth as an

organisation. The politics of revolutionary communism, anti-imperialism, and

socialist unity will not be raised amongst young people unless it is our cadres who

fly the banner. The youth will not be sufficiently inoculated against reaction unless

we build the fighting organisations that are fit for that task.

53. Young workers, students (university, secondary school, and technical school), and

the unemployed and precarious youth, make up the central layer to which our

revolutionary program and mass work will be aimed. This layer, being more

progressive, anti-imperialist, and militant than older layers, is the essential

detonator of a broader socialist workers movement. It is this layer that will be most

susceptible to our propaganda, that will provide most of our cadres, and that will

staff our organisational apparatus. As such, recruiting and organising youth should

be our primary orientation at the current juncture.

54. The Australian socialist movement has often substituted youth broadly with

university students specifically. This is a mistake, and one that needs to be

corrected.

55. RCO members under the age of 26 should be organised into the Young

Communists Caucus, through which our Youth work will be systematically

conducted.

56. Our members on campus - be they high school, university, or TAFE students -

should work to organise cells wherever possible. These cells will focus mainly on

recruitment to the RCO, as well as propaganda and education work. This may

consist of pamphleting, distributing of posters, as well as organising public talks

and debates. Everywhere, our members must not be afraid to speak on socialism, to

defend the socialist program, and to rally people to our banner. These cells will also

coordinate RCO members when they conduct mass work.

57. The primary task of the RCO Youth Caucus will be building an autonomous socialist

youth organisation. This organisation will be separate from the RCO, with its own

membership, finances, and organisational structure. It will organise its own

congresses, publish its own propaganda, and conduct its own activities. It will

develop its own strategy. This youth organisation, named Reds! Socialist Youth

Front, will be a street organisation of young socialists, communists, militant

feminists, anti-imperialists, and other youth who wish to fight the capitalist world

system. RCO members should seek to play a leading role in this organisation, but it

should extend far beyond the membership of the RCO. A vital task of Reds! will be

building a popular socialist culture amongst young people, and participating in and

promoting cultural events to that end.

58. Beyond the building Reds!, Youth Caucus members should advocate for and support

the formation of broad fighting organisations amongst the layers of students and

young workers. Presently, RCO members are involved in Students for Palestine

groups, and should seek to strengthen these organisations. However, organising

around Palestine solidarity is not enough. Organisations that RCO members may

seek to support include Education Action Groups, secondary student and TAFE

unions, Student-Worker Alliances, young workers groups, students democracy

organisations, youth anti-imperialist and anti-racist organisations, and youth

feminist organisations.

Building Workers Power

59. The youth orientation of the RCO is not without significant risks. It is vital that our

mass work escapes the “campus trap” that has plagued previous socialist

formations. As such, steps will be taken to shift our orientation away from

campuses, and to move young cadres into industrial and tenant organising.

60. For comrades who are not on campuses, our work must orient towards tenant and

industrial organising. Cells in neighbourhoods should orient themselves towards

tenant unionism, while cells in workplaces should orient themselves towards trade

union and related work.However, our organising efforts should go significantly

further than supporting mass organisations on a cell by cell basis.

61. In seeking to unify socialist forces in the labour movement, we should seek to

establish Red Workers Clubs as a first step. These organisations would organise

educational work amongst workers, as well as serving as a place for workers to

meet and discuss their experiences and conditions. This may serve as the basis for

both inquiry into workers conditions, and to unify socialist workers under the

hegemony of partyist socialism.

62. The medium-term orientation of the RCO in our “bread and butter” organising

efforts - that is, around the conditions of workers, tenants, and the unemployed -

should be to work towards building a mass organisation for the coordination and

generalisation of class struggle. This organisation, Workers Power, would be

modelled on the Counterpower/Contrepoder organisation of the United States, and

be an organising hub for communists, socialists, progressives, and others who want

to see the rejuvenation and strengthening of the working class movement in

Australia.

63. This organisation would be explicitly anti-capitalist, but be able to draw in

“economistic” layers - the organisation would not distinguish between partyists and

anti-partyists, revolutionaries or reformists. Of course, we would seek to win this

organisation to a partyist position and to win it to affiliating to the RCO - but only so

far as it does not stifle its growth.

64. The orientation of Workers Power would be essentially as follows:

● To implement the Rank & File Strategy in Australia by building fighting

factions in trade unions.

● To organise tenants unions and fight for a national federation of tenants

organisations.

● To organise the poor and the unemployed into a general union.

● To contest the Laborist orientation of the Trade Union movement and to win

trade unions to a militant orientation and a new trade union federation.

65. In order to undertake its task, Workers Power would publish bulletins and

propaganda, investigate the composition of the class and potential faultlines of

struggle, and organise clusters of red workers in various industries and sectors to

begin coordinating its efforts. It would also host a yearly conference of trade union

and workers power activists to discuss strategy.

66. Beyond the immediate and medium-term, the RCO must look broadly for

opportunities to organise the advanced layers of the class and prepare them for

struggle. Importantly, we should look to escape the economist confines of trade

union organising, taking a broad perspective of the need to build a revolutionary

movement across society. Such groupings could include a Social Wage Coalition

around education, welfare, healthcare, and other social services, socialist Right to

the City collectives, and housing oriented direct-action militant groupings.

An Anti-Imperialist Mass Movement

67. Consistent internationalism is often the dividing line between opportunists and

communists. Internationalism, in the epoch of world-imperialism, necessarily

means consistent anti-imperialism and revolutionary opposition to imperialist war

and racial oppression.

68. The first form of our internationalist work will be developing the activity of our

International Committee. This task will be an extensive one, and knowledgeable

and dedicated comrades must be put to work in this area. International

connections should be cultivated in line with our general orientation - the

reformation of a international communist movement on a principled basis.

69. RCO members organising in the anti-imperialist movement must seek to draw

anti-imperialist forces together into an Anti-Imperialist Solidarity Front. This

front will attempt to forge the existing scattered and politically incoherent solidarity

and anti-war movements into a single anti-imperialist political bloc. Existing work

in Unionists for Palestine and the Students for Palestine movement allows for us to

prepare the groundwork for such an organisation.

70. In addition to consistent anti-imperialism, the RCO must seek to rejuvenate the

currently moribund anti-racist movement. The incoming Central Committee and

local cells should be attuned to the possibility of anti-racist work, be it through

existing organisations or new formations, such as Anti-Fascist Leagues and

Worker Anti-Racism Committees.

The Red-Green Front

71. In the coming years of heightened climate crisis, collapse, and inevitable ecological

struggle, the role of a strengthened Red-Green Front will become increasingly

vital. The vital core of the Red-Green front is the growing unity between organised

workers and the ecological movement, on a shared political platform of socialism

and ecological transition.

72. The critical responsibility of the Red-Green Front is two-fold; it must serve to both

cohere, strengthen, and clarify the socialist position within the broader movement

(climate change and environmental degradation), and it must serve to win layers of

workers within this movement to such a socialist position.

73. Thus such an organisation must be explicitly anti-capitalist, and must strive to

represent with utmost clarity and certainty the socialist position/s as regards the

climate crisis and looming ecological disaster. The immediate position of the

Red-Green front is, in turn, a combative one. In raising socialist principles, slogans,

and solutions within the existing climate crisis, it will find itself harangued at all

turns by the liberal, NGO-industrial complex of activists and senior organisers that

disdains such positioning. In turn, it must also reject the adventurist tendencies of

the ecological left, seeking a mass action strategy for the red-green movement.

74. However, this necessarily combative orientation in defence of the socialist position

cannot be allowed to impede upon the unity of the grouping itself. Its immediate

goal is unity around the central ecological demands, program, and position posited

in the pursuit of a mass socialist movement. However, we should consistently make

clear political differences, and seek to raise the banner of partyist socialism.

75. The Red-Green front further necessarily draws support from a critical group in

revolutionary politics - the youth. Its membership, leadership, and structure will, in

all likelihoods, reflect this, and whilst it rejects out of hand the strategic positioning

of liberal student environmentalist groups, it must make use of these movements

and their membership whenever possible, in order to agitate amongst these layers

and ensure the reach of a socialist position to a highly politically volatile strata of

the youth (those involved in climate organising).

76. A critical component of the success of any front organisation, and particularly of

the Red-Green front, is the negotiation and navigation of the participation of

different sects in its operations and organisation. The Red-Green front cannot

simply be a unity of sects - an organisation in which participation is limited to

organisational allegiance and negotiated through varying sectarian channels

struggling for power. Rather it must be centred on building the participation of

unaffiliated revolutionaries and radicals, and on the participation of organised

revolutionaries outside of their organisations themselves.

Re-Arming the Women’s Liberation Struggle

77. The Communist Women’s Front (CWF) is to be the primary space in which RCO

members will conduct their work on the Women’s Question. CWF will be an

explicitly communist, revolutionary, and militant grouping of women campaigning

around socialist slogans. For this work, RCO members will organise through the

Women’s Caucus.

78. Women’s Liberation needs organisation if it is to become a mass movement. As

such, we seek to build a Women’s Liberation Union as an all-women organisation

to unify around feminist slogans.

79. This organisation will be explicitly anti-capitalist, but will not distinguish between

pro- and anti-party tendencies, nor between reformists and revolutionaries.

80. This organisation would seek to organise women specifically around socialist and

feminist slogans, and place them on the footing of militant social struggle against

patriarchy, including supporting abortion rights organising, wages for housework

committees, and equal pay campaigns.

81. The conditions of migrant women should be closely studied. Women in migrant

communities often must struggle against racism and state-oppression, in addition

to capitalist exploitation. In turn, they are also oppressed by patriarchal and

fundamentalist religious tendencies within their own communities. Too often, one

of these issues is thrown to the side in order to address the other. Our strategy

should seek to address them all.

82. Unity against Racism and Patriarchy would be modelled on the Women against

Fundamentalism campaigns of the 1980s and 90s, and would seek to organise

minority ethnic women, especially young women, alongside their brothers and

sisters in the broader socialist movement to challenge racism, both state-led and

populist, capitalist exploitation, and patriarchy and fundamentalism.

For a Socialist Queer Liberation Movement

83. Once a revolutionary force opposed to Straight Society, the gay liberation

movement has been largely neutralised as a subversive force in society. Despite this

fact, gay and trans people find themselves under constant political attack from the

right, as well as experiencing ongoing oppression by Straight Society. As such, the

necessary task for communists is to systematically organise around the

revolutionary elements of the gay liberation movement, and bind it thoroughly to a

resurgent socialist movement. Liberation! Lavender-Red Socialist Front, an

socialist mass organisation will be our main effort in this area.

84. Our primary orientation in the queer liberation struggle is around politicising and

organising queer people into class struggle and anti-imperialist politics.