1. We live in the epoch of world socialist revolution. This epoch began with the victory of

the Russian workers and peasants in 1917. The objective movement of historical

development towards socialism has been demonstrated in not only the revolutionary

struggles of the working class and the oppressed, but in the development of industry,

the internationalisation of production, the expansion of the global proletariat, the

concentration of capital, and in the increasing dependence of capital accumulation on

economic planning. These subjective and objective developments have rendered

capitalist society, as well as the national state, private property, and the family,

historically obsolete, increasingly sclerotic and decayed, riddled with crises and

contradictions.

2. Capitalist society, however, refuses to leave the stage of history. The historical

transition between capitalism and socialism has been stalled by the dismantling of the

Soviet Union and its allies, the defeat of the Third World and the world anti-imperialist

struggle, and the defeat of the bureaucratic-reformist wings of the workers movement.

This systematic defeat of world socialism was preceded by the capitulation of the

socialist movement to a variety of nationalist, reformist, liquidationist, populist, and

opportunist deviations. These deviations overwhelmingly sought to fuse the workers

movement to the project to reform and manage the capitalist state, and to form

systematic coalitions with the parties of the bourgeoisie and petit-bourgeoisie. This

defeat, and the absence of a systematic communist alternative, has unleashed a special

period of reaction.

3. The characteristics of this period are the generalised collapse of the socialist

movement: the decline of working class organisations, the fragmentation and

confusion of the social movements, the marginalisation of the communist left, and the

degeneration of Marxism as an intellectual project.

4. Capitalism’s counterrevolutionary offensive, symbolised by global US economic,

military, and political hegemony, has been catastrophic for humanity and the rest of the

biosphere. Ecological collapse, imperialist wars, pandemic diseases, and economic

crises are an inevitable result. However, history marches forward and as long as the

working class exists, so too does the possibility of socialism.

The Struggle for a Communist Party

5. The historic task of the working class is to form itself into an independent party with

the aim of raising itself to the level of ruling class by winning the battle for democracy

and establishing a democratic socialist republic. This party cannot represent a single

“faction” of the socialist movement, but instead be an ecumenical party of the socialist

workers movement as a whole. In turn, it must be both a vanguard party, based in the

most advanced and class conscious layers of workers, and a mass party that seeks to

include in its ranks thousands of militants, and that leads a broad party-movement that

can win hegemony over the entire working class. This party would serve as the

systemic opposition in both parliament and in the streets, and be unified by a

revolutionary minimum-maximum program.

6. The maximum program describes the final, communist aims of the party: the

establishment of a socialist economy, the abolition of private property, the dissolution

of the family and national state, and the end of class society. The minimum program

represents the minimum conditions for the party to assume power – and consists of

demands for an alternative political system through which the working class can rule

as well as economic measures to take upon the assumption of power and measures for

the emancipation of women, nationally and racially oppressed peoples, and gender and

sexual minorities. The political demands include the abolition of the monarchy,

freedom for the socialist and workers press, abolition of the senate and presidential

prime-minister and cabinet, and the concentration of power into a single popular

assembly elected by proportional representation, the subordination of the justice

system to democratic oversight, the end of the colonial system of states, and the

replacement of the police and standing army with a worker’s army characterised by

universal service and training as well as democratic rights of political organisation for

all its members.

7. This conception of the tasks of the proletariat for the conquest of political power is

based on a recognition that the existing oligarchic liberal-constitutional monarchy

imposes systematic limitations on the implementation of a working class program.

Promising not to touch the bourgeois constitutional structure with its checks on

popular democracy, its bureaucracy, its military, is folly. There are no shortcuts to the

problem of a proletariat that is not strong enough to defend the transition to socialism.

The only path is to organise its advanced section into a party that builds the strength of

the class, measured in its political and economic organisation and the growth of its

advanced section. The workers’ party must conduct consistent propaganda and

agitation for a wholesale constitutional alternative to capitalist class rule well before

the assumption of political power. It must win a crushing majority of society and the

rank and file of the armed forces to the necessary reordering of social decision-making.

In short, we must follow the democratic revolution to the very end.

8. The path to this kind of “mass vanguard” party runs through a merger of the existing

forces of socialism, guided by Marxist politics, with the elemental forces of the workers’

movement. This combines the program for working class self-emancipation with the

practical organization, militancy, and numbers needed to carry it out. This requires a

mutual transformation of both sides of the merger, in recognizing the strengths of each

side and the necessity of a merger for both.

9. While it is likely to be formed out of a process of splits and fusions, there is no other

single force on the Left that could form the raw material for the party we need. There is

no route to the conquest of political power outside of the existing Left by a small group

“appealing directly to the class.” This is an assumption held by those who imagine their

small group could merge with the class in a spontaneous uprising by virtue of correct

politics, or in a non-revolutionary period, on the basis of pure economic organizing or

transitional politics.

10. The preconditions for the emergence of this party do not yet exist. As such we are in a

pre-party stage, in which the primary task is the preparation of the necessary

conditions for the emergence of a communist mass movement. These preconditions

are: the proliferation of a Marxist intellectual movement, including study circles,

socialist clubs, and Marxist publications, and the re-emergence of a proletarian

vanguard forged in the class struggle. It is through the fusion of these two forces that a

mass communist party is possible. Most of all, this merger requires the unity of

Marxists, of communists, into a single political bloc, and the clarification of the Marxist

program through thorough struggle and critique.

11. The last thirty years has seen the proliferation of “alternative” strategies for social

revolution, all of which sought to marginalise and reject the centrality of the

revolutionary party. These strategies, be they the movement of the squares and

occupation tendencies, the “leaderless resistance” tendencies (liberal or anarchist), or

the attempts to renew social democratic, labourist, New Deal Liberal, or other Left

Populist illusions, have been world-historic failures, reflecting the historical weakness

and decomposition of our class in the epoch of globalised monopoly-financial

capitalism. The partyist, revolutionary left must reassert its program: an organised

fusion of the workers movement and Marxist politics in the form of a revolutionary

vanguard and the formation of a mass workers party with a revolutionary platform.

Capitalism in Crisis

12. The development of capitalist society proceeded according to the combined and

uneven development of distinct regimes of accumulation and regulation. From the

origins of commercial capitalism, through the development of mercantile society and

manufacture, through the transition to machine industry and the expansion of free

competition, capitalism has passed into a systematic period of centralisation,

consolidation, and monopoly. The epoch of monopoly capitalism gave way to

state-dependent monopoly, which in turn was globalised with the end of the Fordist

mode of accumulation. Today, the highest form of capitalist organisation is the

transnational corporation, coordinated by an international financial system and a

powerful bloc of finance capitalists.

13. Along with the progressive development of capitalism, so too have grown the system’s

contradictions. The relations of capitalist production, which give the system its

historical dynamism, have become fetters upon the development of the forces of

production. Capital experiences periods of over-accumulation and systematic

devaluation. Financial markets explode with under-utilised money-capital while

industry rots. Nations of peasants with barely extant manufacturing sectors find

themselves de-industrialised. Returns on investment fall as productivity flatlines. All of

this is symptomatic of a falling world rate of profit - the chief indicator of both the

maturity and the obsolescence of the capitalist world-system.

14. The industrial proletariat has never been larger than it is today. Across the world, vast

labour movements contest the power of capital. In India and Bangladesh, farmers and

industrial workers regularly conduct strikes that dwarf the industrial struggles of the

nineteenth century. Chinese workers, locked in the political apparatus of the

party-state, are nonetheless assertive, militant, and organised. In Africa, South East

Asia, and Latin America, workers are joined by masses of semi-proletarian peasants

and the urban and rural poor. Workers and youth in the United States and Continental

Europe are increasingly militant, with explosive strikes and battles with the police

becoming a regularity. However, there exists no international force that can patiently

construct a communist movement that can bring these forces to revolutionary

consciousness and political power.

Imperialism and the World Situation

15. The contemporary world system is characterised by a specific form of capitalist

organisation - imperialism. Imperialism divides the world into a core of exploiter

powers, and a periphery of exploited nations.

16. Imperialism has passed through several stages of development. Emerging out of the

early colonial system, and the growth of world trade, the first form of imperialism took

the form of competing, distinct spheres of influence governed by colonial regimes. The

European empires of France and Britain came to typify this system, which placed

hundreds of millions under direct colonial rule, and even more under indirect colonial

power. This system came to an end with the great epoch of inter-imperialist conflict

between Anglo-French-American imperialism and the rising powers of Germany, Italy,

and Japan. With the end of the European Imperialist Wars and the War in the Pacific,

there emerged a new imperialist order under American hegemony. This world order

was premised on the restructuring of German and Japanese imperialism as loyal

clients of American imperialism, and the (often fractious and contradictory)

subordination of British and French capital to American imperialism. Direct

inter-imperialist conflict was sublimated through the Bretton-Woods system, which

allowed the capitalist world to directly confront and defeat the USSR and the Third

World. With the defeat of the Soviet project, and the collapse of the Non-Aligned

Movement, the second epoch of imperialist development ended, and a period of

uncontested American unipolarity began.

17. The contemporary imperialist system is characterised by an integrated world market

rather than competing spheres of influence. This has given rise to a specific form of

competition - antagonistic cooperation. In this form of competition, extensive

economic cooperation and joint investment by rival powers accompanies covert and

overt conflict and rivalry. All nations are engaged in the joint exploitation of the global

proletariat, with the uneven distribution of the spoils being the source of extensive

antagonism.

18. The existing imperialist system is facilitated and guaranteed by the unipolar world

order under the United States of America. As the primary imperialist power, and the

leader of the primary imperialist bloc, the USA is the primary obstacle to the creation of

a world socialist society, and the most counter-revolutionary force on the planet.

19. Despite still remaining the most powerful state on earth, the era of American

unipolarity is coming to an end. With the systematic crisis in world capitalism comes

the systematic disinvestment and de-industrialisation of key ally states, as well as a

secular economic and social decay rooted in a falling rate of profit. Inter-imperialist

conflict, as well as epidemiological and ecological crises threaten the supply chains

that have allowed for relatively cheap consumer products. Sanctions regimes, once

crippling, seem less effective in the face of a waning domination of the US Dollar.

German, British, and Japanese capitalism look stagnant and fragile. French

imperialism is increasingly weary of the American alliance. All of this heralds the

decline of the American Empire.

20. The re-emergence of inter-imperialist competition in the imperialist world order is

nowhere better expressed than in Eastern Europe. Here, the semi-imperialist power of

Russia is locked in a feverish struggle with the US-NATO bloc. The aim of Russian

capital is to assert its rights to a distinctive sphere of influence in the territory of the

former USSR. The aim of the American-led imperialist bloc is to exhaust the Russian

state, with the eventual aim of effecting a regime change in Russia. Having done that

the aim is to ‘encircle’ China – and through war, regional rebellion, a colour revolution,

etc, bring about regime change in Beijing. Ideologically, cover for rebooting US global

hegemony is being provided by hypocritical claims about championing democracy and

standing up for the rights of small nations.

21. Disgracefully, sections of the left have sided with the Ukrainian state, in reality their

own governments, with some even calling for increases in NATO arms shipments.

Naturally, social imperialism excuses itself with all sorts of pseudo-socialist and

democratic phrases.

22. Our opposition to the interests of the US-NATO bloc should not be understood as

support for the Russian Federation, a semi-peripheral capitalist state led by an

oligarchic-personalist clique, that sits atop the corpse of the former Soviet Republic. In

the war between Russian semi-imperialism and the imperialist ambitions of the

Western Powers, we adopt a position of revolutionary defeatism.

23. We reject the calls by some in the socialist movement to join in an international

popular front in support of “multipolarity”. In the contest between the great bandit and

the lesser bandit, we do not prefer the lesser bandit. Any re-organisation of the world

system on bourgeois terms would simply be a redivision of the diminishing surplus

value extracted from the world working class. International proletarian revolution is

the only force that can tear down world imperialism.

24. The People’s Republic of China is a semi-peripheral capitalist economy presided over

by a centralised development-state. This state, led by the Chinese Communist Party,

came to power in a peasant-army revolution in 1949, and proceeded to unleash a

period of revolutionary transformation and abortive socialist revolution. In the years

since the end of the Cultural Revolution, revolutionary politics in the People’s Republic

has been frozen over by the sterile policies of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics”.

While the ascent of Chinese power, and even the emergence of a new Chinese imperial

interest, has given rise to a great many Western sinophiles, genuine communists must

view the political situation in China with analytic clarity, not romantic illusions.

25. The struggle between US-NATO imperialism and Russian imperialism can only be

properly understood in the context of the primary axis of competition in the

contemporary world system - the US-China trade war.

26. In order to strengthen its position against China, the United States has sought to

establish a series of military alliances to guarantee a network of allies in the Pacific and

Indian spheres. Here the AUKUS Pact, as well as the Quad Agreement are of vital

importance. Communists must oppose these agreements, and any other future military

pacts with American, British, or Japanese imperialism, or the fascist clique in New

Delhi.

27. Of vital interest to anti-imperialists and internationalists is the struggle of the

Palestinian masses for national liberation. The ongoing slaughter in Gaza, as well as the

brutal occupation of the West Bank, is a direct manifestation of the capitalist

world-system and the domination of American imperialism. The State of Israel is a

outpost of American imperialism, a prominent client state, and a staging ground for

NATO-bloc imperialism in the Middle East.

28. Communists must reject the so-called “solutions” offered by the social-pacifists and

liberal international order. A negotiated settlement, a so-called “Two-State Solution”

would simply create a series of Palestinian ghettos, bantustans without military

capacity, ruled by collaborator forces like those that currently dominate the Palestinian

Authority.

29. As such, communists fight for a single, democratic, secular republic in Palestine, from

the Jordan River to the Mediterranean. Such a state would have freedom of religion and

equal rights and self-determination for all national groupings, as well as the Right of

Return for all Palestinian refugees. Such a republic would necessarily undertake a

program of reconstruction, land reform, and systematic de-Zionisation.

30. It is the duty of internationalists to always oppose their own ruling class and its

interests first and foremost. In our context, this means opposing the Australian

capitalist class and its sweet-heart alliance with American imperialism.

31. While imperialism stands astride the world, it will stamp out any flowers of socialism

that may attempt to bloom. Only the international working class, leading the labouring

masses of the world, can overthrow the imperialist world order. Given the integrated

nature of the contemporary imperialist world economy, the possibility of

nationalist-developmental paths to socialism are more limited than ever. World

revolution - against the international capitalist system and its ruling classes - is the

only path to free humanity from the jackboot of imperialist domination.

32. The highest level of unity for the workers’ movement is on political grounds in an

international party. For the international workers’ political movement, the struggle

against war and the imperialist hierarchy of nations is of utmost importance. Common

action across borders in trade union struggles is also a powerful weapon, and as such

communists seek the internationalisation of the trade union struggle. As such

concessions to the pro-imperialist politics of the trade union movement in many

countries are not permissible, and national and social-chauvinism must be ruthlessly

combatted, along with all forms of national socialism.

33. The struggle against imperialism requires exposing the lies of the social imperialists

and the false-promises of the social pacifists. This means exposing the nature of

imperialist interests and the real aims of the imperialist powers, as well as dispelling

illusions in the United Nations and other institutions of the “Rules Based International

Order”.

Australian Capitalism

34. Australian capitalism was born of the British colonial system. Through a genocidal

clearing of the land of indigenous peoples, a social order was established that

possessed no fetters imposed by previous social orders. Because of Australia’s colonial

history, capitalist development has undertaken an unusual path. Agricultural

capitalism, without a class of yeoman free-farmer or peasants, was allowed to develop

untrammelled, and quickly mining capital joined it as the two pillars of Australian

industry. A chronic labour shortage empowers the relatively small, skilled Australian

working class, and petit-bourgeois tendencies quickly took prominence in the

Australian labour movement. By the time industrial manufacturing expanded, and a

proletariat proper was born, the Australian labour movement was dominated by the

ideology of Laborism, and the conservative, craft-oriented trade unions.

35. The Australian Labor Party, a bourgeois-liberal party based in the trade union

movement, is the primary party of Australian capitalism. It is the ALP that has

managed Australian capitalism through its most intense crises, developed the Laborist

compact that allowed the growth of Australian manufacturing, established and ended

the White Australia system of migration controls, and introduced neoliberalism in the

wake of the Prices & Incomes Accord. Today, it is the Labor Party that seeks to reorient

Australian capitalism towards protectionism and reindustrialisation.

36. The latest period of capitalist accumulation, beginning in the 1980s, is best

characterised as “Keatingism”. This program combined economic liberalism, the end

of state-led industrial development, and the opening of Australia’s markets to Asia, with

social progressivism, the superannuation system, and the growth of home ownership.

Social progress, including the overcoming of social backwardness and chauvinism,

would be bound up with a rising standard of living driven by financialisation, the

embourgeoisement of the Australian labour aristocracy, and cheap consumer goods

from the Asian markets.

37. In the period of Keatingism, the Labor Party and the trade union bureaucracy has

overseen the systematic decomposition of the organised working class. As such, the

working class has never been less of a force in Australian political and social life. There

exists no political party, no program, no social movement, that unifies the working

class. Instead, the class is fragmented, both on a sociological level, and on a political

level. It is imperative for communists to conduct a systematic study of both Australian

capitalism, and the dynamics and composition of the working class in this country.

38. The dominant form of official ideology in contemporary Australia is a liberal

state-sanctioned anti-racist/multicultural, anti-sexist, and pro-LGBT ideology with

backing from elements of the capitalist class and the state, often associated with the

Labor Party and the Greens, as well as the institutions of the bourgeois academy. These

ideologies are ultimately pro-capitalist and individualist, being an outgrowth of the

particular form taken by neo-liberalism in Australia: Keatingism.

39. Liberal identitarianism rejects the revolutionary and progressive role of the working

class and emphasises a fragmentary politics of representation and state recognition

within an imperial project over any kind of mass struggle or revolutionary

anti-imperialism. There has also spawned a pseudo-radical and easily co-optable

variant of identity politics, which sheds the overt pro-capitalism but is bound at the hip

to the State through the same politics of recognition. It is vital that the revolutionary

anti-racist, feminist, and queer liberationist movements break thoroughly with this

form of bourgeois recognition.

40. In particular, a vast network of Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) have become

a mode of governance of popular power in much the same way that the official trade

union leadership plays in industrial struggles. This layer of careerist bureaucrats owe

their petit-bourgeois role to managing and “representing” various oppressed peoples

and social movements. They must be swept aside by the revolutionary movement, and

no real alliance can be made with such forces.

41. This does not mean that the oppression of women, migrants, indigenous people, or

sexual minorities has ended in Australian society. These phenomena are not an

ideological factor of capitalist society, but rather structural necessities of capitalist

reproduction. The period of contemporary crisis has seen attempts by reactionaries to

reinstall previous modes of capitalist regulation through the restoration of traditional

white, patriarchal social norms. As the crisis in world capitalism persists, it can be

expected that these tendencies will go on the offensive.

42. The inability of both official and radical identity politics to counter this reactionary

tendency and offer genuine freedom to all the oppressed and exploited increases the

urgency of developing a Marxist approach to migrant, indigenous, women’s, and gay

and trans emancipation. We recognize the working class as the vanguard and tribune of

the oppressed while emphasising the importance of these freedom struggles.

The Workers Movement in Australia

43. The Australian working class has experienced several decades of political defeat and

decomposition. The working class as a whole lacks minimal trade union consciousness,

and is not systematically organised. Class struggle remains at a historically low level.

The trade unions as well are on the retreat, representing a small minority of the

broader working class. Where unions do exist, they are overwhelmingly conservative,

corporatist, and joined at the hip to the Australian Labor Party (ALP). Where social

activity amongst workers and youth does take place, it largely falls into two camps: the

trade union movement, and the activist left.

44. The Australian Labor Party is a bourgeois-liberal workers party, in that it is a bourgeois

liberal party that rests upon a social base in the trade union bureaucracy and in certain

layers of the labour aristocracy. This base in the working class is joined by extensive

petit bourgeois, professional, and other middling layers that find their political

expression in the ALP. In its political program, the ALP is a nationalist, liberal, and

corporatist party that seeks to unify labour and capital in the Australian state. Despite

the relative decline of the trade union movement, the ALP maintains effective control of

the working class movement through its close alliance with and control over the

Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the various state trade union councils.

45. The ALP does not represent a potential vehicle for a socialist movement in this country.

Conservative, rooted in the union bureaucracy, systematically representative of the

middle classes, and anti-communist, the ALP is the chief obstacle to the unity of the

working class and the victory of the socialist movement. Communists must seek to

overcome the ALP-ACTU-NUS cartel that dominates the worker and student

movements through forcing a split in the corporatist ACTU, and successfully contesting

ALP control of the trade unions. This is not possible absent the emergence of a

Communist Party.

46. In the likely event of an upswing in the class struggle, the working class is likely to enter

the ranks of its traditional organs of reformist struggle: the Labor Left and the trade

union movement. In this case, it is necessary for communists to conduct systematic

agitation amongst members of the trade union movement and Labor members and

voters in favour of a split with Laborism and the forging of a socialist, internationalist

workers movement.

47. The activist left comprises heterogenous layers of social activists that campaign around

issues of social and political conscience. These forces include the peace movement,

environmentalists, feminists, and anti-racists. Overwhelmingly, the forces that

compose these movements are drawn from the middling classes, and they possess little

connection to the broader working class or the trade union movement.

48. The radical wing of the activist left largely represents the tradition of petit-bourgeois

radicalism: anarchism, eclectic radicalism, radical democracy, and identitarianism.

This marsh of decaying middle class radicalism is a major impediment to the

formation of a communist movement, especially amongst the youth. Into the swamp,

communists must cast the light of scientific socialism, the clarity of political

organisation, and the discipline of a socialist youth movement.

49. As a whole, the activist left tails the Australian Green party, with many activists being

members or supporters of the Greens. The Australian Greens is a middle class party,

being a fusion of middle class environmentalists with the remnants of the Australian

Democrats. Its radical wing, embodied in anarchist and identitarian sentiments, largely

shares the suburban localism and petit bourgeois politics of the party’s mainstream.

50. The most coalitionist wing of the Australian socialist movement exists within the ranks

of the ALP and the Greens, as well as the trade unions. Through these organisations,

these socialists hope to advance the cause of the working class through systematic,

unprincipled unity with petit bourgeois and bourgeois class forces. It is the task of

communists to win socialists in Labor and the Greens to a common socialist program,

and to the forging of a new communist party. Only on this basis can socialism stand on

its own feet as a distinct political tendency.

51. Much of the socialist movement is today confined to confessional sects. These

organisations are characterised by their commitment to specific points of theoretical

doctrine, a resulting culture of intellectual conformity and stagnation, and a

bureaucratic centralist mode of political organisation. Such a rigid unity is premised on

a form of bureaucratic centralism: the slate system, de facto or de jure bans on

factionalism, and an inability to carry out public debate and criticism. Importantly,

these organisations represent factions of the socialist movement, but structure

themselves as parties, in competition with all other sects for membership and

influence. Absent an ecumenical party of the socialist movement, these organisations

all undermine each other and attempt to go “directly to the masses” instead of

consolidating the existing vanguard of socialist workers, activists, and youth.

52. Of the sects, there exist essential two tendencies: a left and a right. The left, embodied

most clearly in post-Cliffite Socialist Alternative, but also expressed in the Third-Period

Stalinist Australian Communist Party and the various anarchist-communist and

left-communist groups, have a strikist orientation in which the forging mass party of

the working class is reliant upon spontaneous explosions in the class struggle and the

organic formations of the working class in struggle. This orientation leads to

economistic tailing of workers' struggles and fetishisation of trade unionism or poor

people’s organising.

53. Meanwhile, the rightist tendency within the sects is best expressed in the long

Stalinised Communist Party of Australia, the Maoist Communist Party of Australia

(Marxist-Leninist), the eco-socialist post-Trotskyist Socialist Alliance, and the Cliffite

Solidarity. These organisations, seeking to go “directly to the masses” and avoid the

difficult questions of communist unity and program, systematically tail Laborist, social

democratic, or progressive forces in the trade unions or social movements. This may be

expressed as tailing the ALP, or the Greens, or as a form of vulgar movementism. In all

cases, it leads to a relative conservatism and opportunism.

54. The Victorian Socialists project is a socialist electoral front to unify various leftists into

a coalition to “get a socialist into parliament”. It represents an attempt by Socialist

Alternative to overcome the limitations of the sect form. Beside its obvious

geographical limits, the Victorian Socialists are limited by a

lowest-common-denominator political program that is socialist in name only. In

addition, the fact that the Victorian Socialists are an electoral front, and not a political

party in their own right with the necessary forms of common mass work, leave it

vulnerable to the pitfalls of previous left unity fronts. While communists should

welcome all attempts at regroupment and opportunities for common work, we should

also be clear about the need to transform Victorian Socialists into a real socialist party

with a revolutionary minimum-maximum program.

55. Despite its limitation, communists should undertake the task of entering Victorian

Socialists and constructing a partyist faction within it, growing the socialist

consciousness of the organisation, and fielding its own candidates in elections through

the Victorian Socialists platform. This will require systematic work, particularly in the

organisation of partyist propaganda.

56. There exists no singular vehicle from which a new Communist Party in Australia may

be born. Instead, the partyist faction of the socialist movement must engage in a

systematic campaign within the broader socialist and workers movements for the unity

of Marxists, and for a revolutionary minimum-maximum program. This campaign

requires the formation of a pre-party organisation, a pole of attraction around which

the partyists can rally, and which can fight across the entire movement for the unity of

Marxists and the refoundation of the Communist Party in Australia.

57. Therefore, at the current juncture, the slogans of our movement must be:

Merge Socialism and the Workers Movement!

For the Unity of Marxists!

For a Refoundation Congress of the Communist Party in Australia!

Break with Laborism and the Middle-Class Radicals!

For an Australian Section of the Workers International!

Forward to a Democratic Republic, and the World October!